When we think about global politics or international relations, images of Superpower struggles come to mind — the Cold War, for example, when the United States and NATO vied for primacy in world affairs with the Soviet Union and members of the Warsaw Pact. At the end of the Second World War, a number of familiar international organizations were created to deal with the world’s challenges, and globalism was used to describe this new post-war reality.
A dramatic change has occurred in our world over the last 10-15 years. Nationalism is making a very strong comeback and is significantly affecting our globe, though it is unclear whether this will ultimately have positive or negative results. As discussed in last week’s essay, in the early 2010s, a profound shift began to occur as a group of charismatic leaders emerged. The rise to power of these populist dictators was characterized by a pronounced emphasis on the greatness of their nations and the contributions of their proud civilizations.
Professor Michael Kimmage argues that this shift began in Russia, when Putin came back as president in 2012 after temporarily serving as Russia’s Prime Minister for four years. Putin quickly consolidated his political authority, suppressed opposition forces, and launched his vision for rebuilding “the Russian World.” When Putin began using this vaguely defined phrase, he and his Security Council usually referred to communities with historical, cultural, or spiritual ties to Russia. This included all ethnic Russians and Russian speakers wherever they lived, as well as those who worshipped in Russian Orthodox Churches worldwide. Supporters of “the Russian World” believed Russia was a “unique civilization” and a place where traditional values were preserved, which lent its usefulness to Russian imperialism. For some, this meant Russia needed to restore its borders back to the days of the Soviet Union — or even earlier, to the Russian Empire.
When Xi Jinping became the uncontested leader in China, he gave a speech to the Chinese Communist Party in 2023 that described the virtues of a planned research project on the origins of Chinese civilization. He boasted that China is “the only great, uninterrupted civilization that continues to this day in a state form.” In the chaos that followed the end of the Cold War, the new populist dictators took up the themes of their country’s uniqueness as a way to strengthen their popular support among the conservative forces who wanted to rebuild pride in their country.
Two other significant powers followed the lead of Russia and China – India and Turkey. In 2024, Narenda Modi proclaimed Hindu nationalism as his country’s dominant ideology and described democracy as the “lifeblood of Indian civilization,” while consolidating his increased political power. Meanwhile, Recep Tayyip Erdogan emphasized Turkey’s unique and vital role in the world as he became its autocratic leader. What differentiates these world leaders from those of the past is their unbridled drive for power — and their desire to become players in creating local networks aimed at taking leadership initiatives away from the Western powers.
When Donald Trump was elected president in 2016, he joined Putin, Xi, Modi, and Erdogan in setting the global agenda. They had all become self-styled strongmen, leaders who shared no interest in rules-based systems, alliances, or multinational forums. Professor Kimmage described this dramatic change with these words: “They embrace the once and future glory of the countries they govern, asserting an almost mystical mandate for their ruler. Although their programs can involve radical change, their political strategies rely on strains of conservatism, appealing over the heads of liberal, urban, cosmopolitan elites to constituencies animated by a hunger for tradition and a desire for belonging.”
Who would have imagined that at the end of the Cold War period, the United States would emerge as a “Hyperpower” with no rival in sight, only to lose this position in just 15-20 years? Populist dictators gradually began to win elections and then worked to undermine their democracies, while the new American president ignored their growing power and began to reduce Washington’s commitments to international institutions and alliances. While making these changes, Trump aligned himself with Putin, Xi, Modi, and Erdogan and they all agreed that internationalism based on western values was a failure, and that new governing structures needed to be created, which they would control.
Relationships are now being changed in the global world. The emerging new powers insist on emphasizing their history and its significance. With all these competing powers, it is going to be hard to form stable alliances, especially when these countries, including the United States, are operating in a world where diplomatic relationships are fluid, transactional, and personality-driven. Kimmage explains that in this kind of world, “nothing here is black and white, nothing is set in stone, nothing non-negotiable.”
There is another major change going on that we need to understand. These new leaders in Turkey, China, Moscow, New Delhi, Washington, and other capital cities believe that there is no one system and no agreed-upon set of rules. Attitudes toward the West will continue to harden, and Europe’s status will decline as America backs off its commitment to Europe’s defense. With no army of strength and weak leadership in NATO and the European Union, the Trump leadership team will be focused on America’s economic interests, not on Europe’s viability.
It is hard to judge how all of these changes in global politics will affect us – and our allies. President Trump is operating in a context in which he has limited experience. As the alliances and organizations in which this country was a key partner and builder unravel, new challenges will emerge. In future issues of these Reflections, I will examine the weaknesses of autocratic governance and how to deal with the disruption of alliances and partnerships that previously covered the world of international diplomacy.
The changes described in here are momentous. Stay alert and read widely as we deal with the radical shifts that are currently underway – these are issues most of our parents never experienced. Remember to pray for the world’s leaders, as well as our own.
Helpful Resources:
Michael Kimmage, “The World Trump Wants: American Power in the New Age of Nationalism,” (Foreign Affairs, February 25, 2025).
Michael Brenes and Van Jackson, “Trump and the New Age of Nationalism: A Dangerous Combination for America and the World,” (Foreign Affairs, January 28, 2025).
Dr. John A. Bernbaum
Writer and Educator
Co-Author:
What Went Wrong?: Russia's Lost Opportunity and the Path to Ukraine
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